Traditional understandings of invasions in Vietnamese society have revolved around humans including Mongols, Chinese, and French armies. But modern biological warfare techniques developed in the twentieth century meant that non-human nature, and the environment itself, could become an invasive threat. During the Cold War, Vietnamese became concerned about insidious invasions that would go undetected until after it was too late to resist them.

This module considers various responses to the threat of biological warfare in Vietnamese territory in the early 1950s. Biological warfare refers to the intentional use of human, animal, and plant microbes, and the living and non-living vectors that carry them, by a military to weaken or kill people considered enemies. Furthermore, I define invasion as an unwanted crossing of a border, real and imagined. During the Cold War, what was a biological invasion and how it would happen were questions that caused anxiety and fear. This fear of invasion has been explored in the US context but less so for other societies, especially in the “Third World,” which was the site of so many types of invasion. Viet Minh medical doctors and cadre had to grapple with several questions: What were the geographies of invasion? At what scale could they happen? What would an invasion look like? How could an invasion be differentiated from “natural” processes? Who, and what, would invade? How, in short, could invasions be mapped? And then, perhaps most importantly, how could these invasions be stopped?

In order to explore the mapping of invasions, this module is divided into four pathways, each of which explores a different geography of invasion: political, biological, emotional, and intellectual. Path 1 encourages users to explore the political geography of invasion. Using a pamphlet produced by Việt Minh medical doctors around 1953, this path explores the charges of American biological warfare in North Korea and China beginning in 1952. This path provides some background to the development of biological weapons and shows how germ warfare in Northeast Asia was viewed in Vietnam. Path 2 encourages users to explore the intellectual geography of invasion. Drawing from Chinese posters produced during the Korean War, international conferences about US biological warfare, and Việt Minh reports about rural Red River Delta during the First Indochina War, this path traces the steps that the Việt Minh took to produce knowledge about biological warfare. Path 3 encourages users to explore the emotional geography of invasion. It looks at the life and work of Tôn Thất Tùng, one of the most famous Vietnamese medical doctors, and the part he played in attempts to deal with the threats of biological warfare. It also reviews the attempts at a Vietnamese Patriotic Hygiene Movement. Path 4 encourages users to explore the biological geography, or biogeography, of invasion.  This path considers the biology of suspect microbes and offers a germs' eye view of northern Vietnam. It also provides a map with suspected instances of biological weapons use.

By focusing on Vietnamese responses to biological warfare, and four geographies of invasion, this module advances three arguments. The first is that the Cold War was a process that reformed conceptions of the Vietnamese body and its relationship to its environment. As Christian Lentz has shown for Dien Bien Phu, the Cold War was a process that shaped the relationship between the Vietnamese body and the geobody of Vietnam. Invasion of one was an invasion of the other as germs threatened to disrupt the normal functioning of both. The second argument is that biological, and later chemical, warfare was one of the roots of twentieth-century Vietnamese environmentalism. Rather than the post-WWII economic boom and growing ability to measure trace amounts of chemicals in the air, water, and soil that encouraged environmental movements in the industrialized nations, being the target of environmental warfare made Vietnamese acutely aware of the ways that even "limited" war enmeshed bodies and their environments. The third argument is that Vietnamese responses to environmental warfare were inherently spatial. They depended, for example, on gather information from sources spread out in space, from conferences held in Beijing to surveys of farmers in the Red River Delta. Moreover, this intellectual geography overlapped, and existed in tension, with the political geography of nation-states, the emotional geography of care, and the biological geography of microbes.

[To edit] This landing page contains a visual roadmap for the module and a brief textual description of that roadmap. For example: You can read the module linearly by following Path 1 - 2 - 3-4. Or, you can read pages in a unique order by accessing them through the visual roadmap to the right. You can also access these pages and pathways through the Tag Map, the Geotagged Map, and the Grid Visualization.

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