Bodies and Structures 2.0: Deep-Mapping Modern East Asian HistoryMain MenuGet to Know the SiteGuided TourShow Me HowA click-by-click guide to using this siteModulesRead the seventeen spatial stories that make up Bodies and Structures 2.0Tag MapExplore conceptsComplete Grid VisualizationDiscover connectionsGeotagged MapFind materials by geographic locationLensesCreate your own visualizationsWhat We LearnedLearn how multivocal spatial history changed how we approach our researchAboutFind information about contributors and advisory board members, citing this site, image permissions and licensing, and site documentationTroubleshootingA guide to known issuesAcknowledgmentsThank youDavid Ambaras1337d6b66b25164b57abc529e56445d238145277Kate McDonald306bb1134bc892ab2ada669bed7aecb100ef7d5fThis project was made possible in part by a major grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.
Child bandaged after vaccination
1media/Naika Hiroku, Bandaged Child (1)_thumb.jpg2020-01-12T22:18:11-05:00Maren Ehlers18502c6775e5db37b999ee7b08c8c075867ca31d352From the textbook "Naika hiroku," vol. 14, by Honma Sōken, physician of Mito domain, 1866plain2020-01-12T22:32:51-05:00Waseda University Kotenseki Database, https://archive.wul.waseda.ac.jp/kosho/ya09/ya09_00777/ya09_00777_0014/ya09_00777_0014.html2020011221515220200112215152Maren Ehlers18502c6775e5db37b999ee7b08c8c075867ca31d
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12019-11-18T17:16:23-05:00Children's Bodies10plain2020-08-12T01:33:48-04:00Maren EhlersIn Tokugawa Japan, all children were part of a household, and households were organized into status groups. Every household head (typically, but not always, a man) belonged to or was at least affiliated with an occupational group that mediated his or her status and relationship with the feudal authorities. Such status groups exercised considerable autonomy as they could in- and excluded members, distribute tax burdens and duties, and draft their own law codes. Status group members were also required to watch over one another, both for the sake of the group's shared interests and the stability of warrior rule. Through their parents, children were all situated within this system of group autonomy and feudal control.
But the smallpox vaccine existed independently from Tokugawa rule and its social foundations. It cared about children's bodies, not their status. Any child, whether samurai or outcaste, boy or girl, could become a link in the chain of transmission as long as the body had not yet been immunized. Vaccinations thus created impermanent networks between children that followed biological imperatives only and broke through such social constructs as territories, status identities, and family lines.
If physicians wanted to perpetuate the vaccine and rally sufficient numbers of children, they had to take advantage of the vaccine's undiscriminating nature. At the same time they also needed to work through the structures of Tokugawa society that regulated access to children's bodies. To exercise pressure on reluctant parents, vaccinators relied on domain administrators, the headmen of villages and town blocks, five-peoples' groups, and other officials and bodies of control. They also had to insist on strict compliance with the rules of their own professional networks because random transmission would have meant a lack of monitoring and quickly led to extinction of the vaccine.
To explore the subject of vaccinations of outcastes, go directly to the page "Vaccinating Across Status Boundaries." Or stay on the pathway "The Networks and Vehicles of Transmission."